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And justice for all

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More transcripts November 22, 2004 Page 33618

Q. Do you know anything at all about where the KLA got their weapons from? Do you know which countries the weapons came from? Do you know how they were trained, who provided the instructors to train them?

A. Yes. We had such information that Albanian separatists were being trained in camps in Albania, other countries as well, that there were many mercenaries, including from the Middle East. We also had the information that the financing was done partially from Europe, partially from the Middle East. And we also had the information that the weapons were supplied primarily from Germany and other countries.

The real or the true ethnical cleansings took place in Kosovo — started to take place in Kosovo only after the international forces appeared there, which made it possible for the Albanians to do things which they were doing, which was terror against the Serbs. And you know that as a result 250 or more thousand Serbs had to flee their habitation. Hence, the international forces made it possible to carry out those things which the Albanians did.

Q. Mr. Ryzhkov, at one point you were going to quote from the Duma’s assessment, from their document of the 12th of May. Would you be kind enough to do that now, please.

A. Yes. I would like to quote, but we have wandered away a little bit. I would like to quote from two documents, with your permission. One is as of the 12th of May, as I had requested your permission to quote just one paragraph. Once again, I would like to outline that this was the 12th of May, 1999.

“The problem of refugees from Kosovo, with the use of NATO as the reason for the escalation of aggression, was being presented exclusively from the position of NATO. At the same time, the responsibility for the humanitarian catastrophe, the result of which was the bombarding by the aviation of NATO of Kosovo and Metohija is laid upon the Yugoslavian party. The humanitarian catastrophe of the Serbian population in Kosovo is being completely silenced as well as the fact that they had to evacuate themselves to Serbia and Montenegro.”

Page 33619

This is the resolution of the state Duma regarding the necessity to bring to responsibility the Secretary-General of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Mr. Solana, who was the organiser of the NATO aggression against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

“Mr. Solana, who as the Secretary-General undertook the responsibility to pass the order to attack by NATO troops on the 24th of March, 1999, and who supported, encouraged, and justified during 70 days this genocide should be brought to trial representing all those guilty in front — as a military criminal before the International Tribunal.”

This was the resolution of the state Duma, and this is an another example of the true reasons of what was happening there in Kosovo in those days.

Page 33685

Q. Please describe briefly the then-situation in Kosovo.

A. At the end of 1998, we had a full picture of what was going on in Kosovo. General Staff of Russia and my directorate analysed the situation, and based on the information obtained, based on consultations with various military experts from various countries, we concluded that as far as Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was concerned, there was a broad plan to destroy the country, to discredit military and political leadership of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia aimed at seceding Kosovo from Serbia and Yugoslavia, separating it from those two countries. We also saw the interaction of various forces. First of all, we saw that in the process of establishing KLA and destabilisation of the situation, a Mafia was established, an international Mafia and a Caucasian Mafia, which wanted to establish its strongholds in Pristina and Albania in order to distribute drugs throughout Europe. Analysing the information, we also concluded that the National Security Council of the United States, back in 1997, adopted a decision to carry out a military operation against Yugoslavia. The plan of that operation was aimed at conducting a very powerful psychological war against Yugoslavia aimed at disrupting the negotiations and inform the international community about what was going on in Kosovo as well as to prepare the international public for the impeding military operation. This plan and these conclusions were reported by us to the leadership of our country, and we also warned the leadership of Yugoslavia.

Since 2004 more and more evidence have surfaced proving, without a doubt, that the above transcript from the ICTY court correctly describes the actual happenings. Fragments of the truth can be found everywhere, for instance in this book.


March 7, 2008 Posted by | Kosovo | Comments Off on More transcripts

Shocking truth

People actually trying to understand the Kosovo war should look in the ICTY transcripts. They are transcripts from the warcrime trials of former Yugoslavia. But you better sit down before reading it because what is in there is shocking.

Let me point you to some interesting transcripts.
Intercepted telephone call between US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and terrorist leader Hashim Thaci. Quote from the transcript, Page 33771, line 21-13: “Ms. Albright advised Hashim Thaci to agree to the introduction of NATO troops to Kosovo, and in response she would guarantee the conduct of a referendum for Kosovo’s independence.”

The previous day
Page 33704

Q. What do you know about the link between the KLA and NATO?

A. I know about such links. They existed on the official level when representatives of NATO officially received representatives of this separatist movement and had contacts with KLA leaders. There were also informal secret meetings that took place with the mediation of NATO special services. With the development of the Verification Mission, Mr. Walker, too, immediately met with —

JUDGE ROBINSON: Could you tell us a little more about the meetings that you said took place between the representatives of NATO and the KLA leaders. When was this and where?

THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] Most of these meetings took place after the establishment of the Verification Mission. Our representatives to the Verification Mission reported about the contacts of Mr. Walker, starting with October until January, as well as the meetings of representatives of NATO member countries to the Verification Mission. And we received information that in that period intelligence operations were carried out in the territory of the province involving jointly the representatives of NATO and representatives of the KLA. They passed on information about the location of police posts, army deployment, and military facilities in the province, and our people also reported to us about the establishment of special radio transmission devices by NATO.

JUDGE ROBINSON: What date? Do you know the date?

THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] This happened from the summer of 1998 up until the beginning of the aggression against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The most frequent meetings took place in the period from January to March. We also know that Mrs. Albright passed on to Hashim Thaci this piece of information; namely, if the KLA agrees to the deployment in Kosovo of NATO troops, then she would guarantee to them the implementation of a referendum. I met with Mr. Walker and also raised this issue. I asked him why he was meeting so often with KLA representatives, naming names, while not meeting with the representatives of Serbian authorities and Serbian law enforcement authorities.

JUDGE ROBINSON: So the meetings between NATO officials and the KLA were taking place before the airstrikes?

THE WITNESS: [Interpretation] Yes. Yes, I can confirm that, Your Honour.

Here is Mr Rhyzkov summarizing Russias view of the events 1998, just before the NATO aggression began. Around Page 33595.

A. “The preparation for the forced actions of NATO against Yugoslavia was already transferred into the practical dimension. Quite blasphemous were the explanations by the leadership of the United States of America and NATO that the missile and bomb strikes against Serbia were being prepared for the alleged solution of the humanitarian problems.”

This was the position of the parliament of our country, and once again, I would like to outline that this was prior to the aggression. Our next statement was on the 17th of February, 1999, also prior to those events. I would like to quote as well a few sentences.

“It is not precluded that under certain pretexts the military forces of NATO could be used against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.”

The parliament adopted the following: “It is inadmissible that the Kosovo settlement should be done by missile and bomb strikes against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the introduction of armed forces of NATO into the territory of the former Yugoslavia on the basis of the unilateral decision of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation.”

And also a few days prior to the 24th of March, 1999, our parliament adopted an address to the parliaments of the states members of the United Nations organisation in light of the elaboration of a new strategic concept of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation or NATO. I quote:

“The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation intends to undertake the rights to carry out military operations without the sanction of the Security Council the United Nations organisation –“

JUDGE ROBINSON: Mr. Ryzhkov. Mr. Ryzhkov, you’re being asked to slow down, to read a little more slowly.

THE ACCUSED: [Interpretation] “As is known, the charter of the United Nations organisation obliges Member States of the United Nations organisations to refrain from the use of force or the threat of the use of force. Another quite alerting aspect is the intention of NATO to expand the so-called area of its responsibility. By inclusion into it, the territories outside of Europe from where, according to the NATO states, they can be threatened. This allows them to use force against any state or group of states. And the recent missile and bomb strikes against the territories of Afghanistan, Sudan, and others, and also the former Yugoslavia, are an explicit example of such doctrine of the expansion of the NATO sphere of activities.”

This just goes on and on for thousands of pages stuffed with evidence of NATO warcrimes. NATO told Thaci, through Albright, to start the uprising. He did what he was told and thousands of people died. The evidence is just overwhelming. NATO also provided Thacis guerilla with weapons and military training. The evidence is right there, it’s in the transcripts!

March 7, 2008 Posted by | Kosovo | Comments Off on Shocking truth

Serbs Struggle to Understand Western Support for Kosovo Independence

By Ljiljana Smajlovic

BELGRADE, Serbia — As editor-in-chief of Serbia’s oldest and most prestigious daily newspaper, Politika, I am at a loss to explain the West’s stubborn support for Kosovo independence to my readers. Only nine years ago, my country was bombed for 78 days by the most powerful military alliance the world has ever seen, and the last thing I want is to pour oil over the fire of anti-Western sentiment. But the truth is, I find myself grappling with the same bitterness and resentment as most of my countrymen.

I was very much part of the democratic upheaveal that rid Serbia of Slobodan Milosevic in 2000, and all Serbia has done since was to mend its ways.

We sought to come to terms with the past, put old quarrels behind us, make peace with our neighbors and become friends with the United States and European countries that bombed us in 1999.

We set up war crimes courts and tried suspected war criminals, while extraditing others to the Hague Tribunal, where we sent a score of ex-presidents, including Milosevic himself, and roughly half of the former Army leadership.

We signed peace and cooperation treaties, invited Western companies to invest in Serbia’s economy, and NGOs to monitor our progress in democracy and human rights.

We elected democratic rulers with impeccable anti-Milosevic credentials who carried out responsible and moderate policies, to the applause of Washington and Brussels.

We oppressed no ethnic minorities and violated no universal declarations.

In the meantime, a very different storyline unfolded in our southern province of Kosovo. As soon as Serb forces left Kosovo in June 1999, a massive campaign of reverse ethnic cleansing against 200,000 non-Albanians took place under the noses of 50,000 NATO troops.

Rather than the multi-ethnic democracy U.S. President Bill Clinton invoked on the day he dispatched the bombers, Kosovo is nowadays one of the most ethnically pure regions in Europe. Hundreds of Serb medieval monasteries, churches and cemeteries have been desecrated, dynamited, burned or razed to the ground. The few Serbs left in Albanian-majority areas live in NATO-guarded enclaves, fearful for their lives. Lawlessness is pervasive, crime is rampant, intolerance is the norm. Compared to Kosovo, post-Milosevic Serbia is a multi-ethnic paradise.

Why, then, the unseemly rush to grant Kosovo independence? Western officials grasp at straws to explain their motives. We are told “Milosevic lost Kosovo”, and that we should blame him for the fate of the thousands and thousands of our co-nationals who have been cleansed from the mythical “old Serbia.” But Milosevic is six feet under, and in Belgrade we feel as if we’re witnessing the resurgence of the notion of “fundamentally evil” groups. If the Serbs’ repression of Albanians in the 1990s lost them the right to govern Kosovo, as we were repeatedly told while NATO bombs rained on our heads, surely the Albanians lost political and moral high ground through ruthless discrimination against Serbs, Roma and other minorities?

Whatever Milosevic’s transgressions, the Albanians’ radical nationalism should neither have been encouraged nor rewarded in Kosovo. I am particularly disappointed by Chancellor Angela Merkel’s championing of Kosovo’s unilateral independence.

German history shows that radical solutions to the national question cannot be good, even when discontent is justified and minorities have legitimate grievances. It does not do to encourage secession or advocate annexation. Turning Kosovo into an independent state, with its half-terrorist, ultra-chauvinist leadership and its mono-ethnic population, is a radical event in European history. Of all countries, Germany should have opposed hasty independence for Kosovo.

Intellectually and morally, I do not know how to come to terms with Western democracies’ support for Kosovo secessionists. For once, Serbs and their leaders did everything by the book. All they set out to do was to preserve their country’s territorial integrity and sovereignty, guaranteed under Security Council Resolution 1244, which ended NATO’s bombing. Serbia agreed to permanent international guarantees of Kosovo’s political autonomy within the formal territory of Serbia, Kosovo’s membership in international financial institutions such as the World Bank and IMF, and Kosovo’s right to enter different types of international agreements. Its leaders presented only legal arguments and negotiated peacefully under international auspices.

It did them no good. International law was broken. Under the pretext that Serbia’s late dictator had been a terrible person, Serbia’s Konrad Adenauer and Willy Brandt have been denied and scorned, while the leader of Kosovo’s brutal guerrilla army, the KLA, is being hailed as a democrat and a statesman.

And no, I am not proud that hundreds of angry demonstrators went on a rampage in Belgrade last Thursday, shouting anti-American slogans, burning embassies and pillaging shops. But just like my fellow countrymen, I cannot help but note the irony in Washington’s outrage. The Bush administration angrily denounced Serbia for failing to uphold its responsibility under international law to protect embassies.

The Belgrade rally that turned violent had been called to do the very same thing: chastise countries who conveniently ignore their responsibilities to protect sovereignty guaranteed under the U.N. Charter. The last time I checked, international law was also supposed to protect small countries.

Ljiljana Smajlovic is the editor in chief of the Belgrade-based daily Politika. Her article “The Story of Kosovo” first appeared in German in the Swiss weekly Die Weltwoche. This english translation comes from

March 7, 2008 Posted by | Kosovo | Comments Off on Serbs Struggle to Understand Western Support for Kosovo Independence